Affect vs. Ideology

One of the cornerstones of critical pedagogy is practicing counterhegemonic movements. The concept of hegemony as a component of political power emerged in the work of Antonio Gramsci. He believed it was the ruling classes promotion of cultural norms, behaviors, and desires that led to working classes' acquiescence of their oppression. For him, it answered why they supported the rise of fascism in Italy. His theory inspired the Birmingham School and the burgeoning field of cultural studies, which looked at how messages were decimated to the masses and reified norms and practices. For them it answered the question of why the British working class supported Margaret Thatcher. Later, American academics would apply the same causality to the election of Ronald Reagan.

Deleuze explains the acceptance and participation in fascism as related to Spinoza's concept of  "conatus, this being an innate tendency towards self-preservation which involves a determination to act on affectations however they are experienced or conceived through body or mind, through superstition or reason (E II, P9, S; E III, def.) but in which, 'self-preservation' can become mobilized in all manner of distinct experiences of self, inaddictions, perversions and transformations" (Ruddick 35). Essentially, their desire of self-preservation primed their acceptance for the political perversion that was fascism. Conatus is one component of the larger field of affect theory, which builds upon the work of Baroch Spinoza.

Affect theory moves us beyond ideology. As Brian Massumi explains, "Affect holds a key to rethinking postmodern power after ideology. For although ideology is still very much with us, often in the most virulent forms, it is no longer encompassing. It no longer defines the global mode of functioning of power. It is now one mode of power in a larger field that is not defined, overall, by ideology. This makes it all the more pressing to connect ideology to its real conditions of emergence" (104). Massumi returns to the election of Ronald Reagan, but instead looking at hegemonic practices and messages, he looked at the affective appeal of Ronald Reagan the man.

Logically, Ronald Reagan was not the best candidate. He often fumbled in his speeches, which were at times incoherent. He's physical presentation was jerky and unpoised. However, as Massumi explains, "The two levels of interruption, those of linear movement and conventional progressions of meaning, were held together by the one Reagan feature that did, I think, hold positive appeal--the timbre of his voice, that beautifully vibratory voice" (102). Somehow, because he presented no coherent ideologies, he became an inscribable presence. Voters fill in the blanks of his disruptions and place them in their local context. "That is why Reagan could be so many things to so many people; that is why the majority of the electorate could disagree with him on every major issue, but still vote for him" (103). Also, people felt he projected an air of confidence.

The concept of confidence became a key factor in the Kerry/Bush election as noted by Lauren Berlant. It was an election arguably one by affect. Affect is, according to Spinoza, 'affections of the body by which the body's power of acting is increased or diminished, helped or hindered, and at the same time, the ideas of these affections' (E III, Def. 3). As Berlant explains, "The Republican right paired an economic and imperial project with what Jameson calls a 'fantasy bribe'⁹: in this case the bribe was fantasy itself, the opportunity to keep fantasizing about the normative good life, authorized by the right-wing promise to maintain a vague scene and sense of normalcy (sharpened at one end by homophobia and, at the other, by the fear of economic and terrorist disaster)." More so, Kerry portrayed himself as a waffler who was unsure. The perception diminished people's desire to vote for him. Whereas those voters for whom Bush keyed in one key components of their values felt positive voting for him, even if they disagreed with some of his policies and actions. In these cases, affect seems more concrete, an impression that encounters individuals' affections, most of which are not consciously perceived or fully understood, and limits or encourages certain behaviors/reactions.

As explained by Massumi, the addition of affect doesn't dismiss ideology; however, it shows that ideology is just one component of a much larger picture.

Berlant, Lauren. "Unfeeling Kerry." Theory & Event 8.2. 2005. Web.

Massumi, Brian. "The Autonomy of Affect." Cultural Critique 31. Autumn 1995. 83-109. Print.

Ruddick, Susan. "The Politics of Affect: Spinoza in the Work of Negri and Deleuze." Theory Culture Society 27. 2010. Print.

Critique Critical Pedagogy Pt. 1

At this point in my dissertation, I'm looking at breaking down the critiques of critical pedagogy and tying them to the epochal shifts from the factory society to the control society, from disciplinary power to biopower, and from rationality to affect theory.

I went back today to look at one of the earliest critiques of critical pedagogy, where an instructor struggled to take the theory and put it into practice. I'm not sure if these paragraphs will make the cut.

Issues emerged as critical pedagogy moved from theory into practice. In 1988 Elizabeth Ellsworth claims in "Why Doesn't This Feel Empowering? Working Through the Repressive Myths of Critical Pedagogy" that critical pedagogy does not go far enough in problematizing the role of the instructor and the limitations of dialogue. No matter what the sociopolitical vision of the instructor may be, in college credit classes classroom equality is an illusion as critical pedagogy practices leave the "authoritarian nature of the teacher/student relationship intact" (306). In addition, the instructor's personal stake and relation to their sociopolitical vision is often left unexamined. Ellsworth suggests shedding the goal  of "utopian moments of 'democracy,' 'equality,' 'justice,' or 'emancipated' teachers -- moments that are unattainable (and ultimately undesirable, because they are always predicated on the interests of those who are in the position to define utopian projects)" (308).

So should educators have a sociopolitical vision for their classroom? One of the main distinctions between Freire and Dewey was Freire's radical agenda. This radical agenda is a response to capitalism and the cultural institutions that reinforce its exploitative nature. Because capitalism is pitted as the evil we are trying to extract ourselves from, critical pedagogy became divorced from the careerist or vocational aspect of education. As Ellsworth notes, this conscious movement away from the professional goals of the students is fueled by the interests of the instructor. A students' vision of utopia usually contains  a well-paying job.

Complicating this vision of helping students dismantle the system of capitalism is the emergent argument that there is no longer any social, political, or personal element outside the realm of capitalism. If, as Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt argue in Empire, there is no place outside the system of capitalism, then critical pedagogy needs to assess its counterhegemonic practices that are not only oppositional to the students desires, but ineffectual at keeping students from feeding the system.

In addition to the role and vision of the instructor, Ellsworth also asks us to reconsider our expectations of students and the results of classroom dialogues. If as Ellworth and others (Elbow, Wright) asserts, the critical class retains the unequal relationship between teacher and student, it is not a free zone where students feel free to say anything without reprecussion.

"Things were not being said for a number of reasons. These included fear of being   misunderstood and/or disclosing too much and becoming too vulnerable; memories of bad experiences in other contexts of speaking out; resentment that other oppressions (sexism, heterosexism, fat oppression, classism, anti-Semitism) were being marginalized in the name of addressing racism-- and guilt for feeling such resentment; confusion about the levels of trust and commitment surrounding those   who were allies to another group's struggle; resentment by some students of color for feeling that they were expected to disclose 'more' and once again take the burden of doing the pedagogic work of educating White students/professor about   the consequences of White middle-class privilege; and resentment by White students for feeling they had to prove they were not the enemy (316)"

None of these possible road blocks are acknowledged in the abstract theoretical vision of critical pedagogy. Though Ellsworth doesn't used the terminology, issues related to affect are also noted in her classroom where realized "all knowings are partial, that there are fundamental things each of us cannot know" (310).

Affect theory explains the limitations of rational discourse. Students cannot fully articulate the reasoning behind their subject positions or beliefs because of the pre-cognitive elements that shape them. Furthermore, when individuals are presented with facts that irrefutably challenge their beliefs, their beliefs become further entrenched, a phenomenon psychologists call belief preservance . As reported by Scientific American, " Everyone does it, but we are especially vulnerable when invalidated beliefs form a key part of how we narrate our lives. Researchers have found that stereotypes, religious faiths and even our self-concept are especially vulnerable to belief perseverance." Interesting, the beliefs they we are most reluctant to scrutinize and change are the ones most often touched about in a critical classroom. No wonder the pragmatism of critical pedagogy is being called into question.

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The New Radical: Working with Capitalism?

“Aid is just a stopgap,” he said. “Commerce [and] entrepreneurial capitalism take more people out of poverty than aid. We need Africa to become an economic powerhouse.”

In a thought provoking speech, Bono asks his audience to consider what this past global recession would have looked like if it weren't for the rise of the middle class in India and China buying goods from the United States and Europe. Granted this is very much a self-interested position. However, he also considers the quality of life change for those now able to participate in market commerce. Though I hope philanthropic endeavors continue, I agree that "aid is just a stop gap." Aid without opportunity denies people of the ability to self-determine and participate as equals. It is why my favorite type of aid is microfinancing. 

I've been thinking about Bono's speech as I work to develop my own reimagining of critical pedagogy, which has long considered itself a pedagogy of resistance, particularly against capitalism. The radical critique of critical pedagogy, particularly by Peter McLaren, is that it doesn't go far enough in its critique of capitalism and promotion of socialist values. However, at this point, I believe the much more radical idea is to work with capitalism rather than dream of a communal, market-less utopia. Is this possible? I will be exploring this concept more through the Erik Wright's Envisioning Real Utopias. He argues that we should work to redirect capitalism with a "socialist compass" and gives examples of hybrid economies that function with both elements of capitalism and socialism. Essentially what he offers is a pragmatic argument for incremental change and compromise. While it may seem to some that this is compromising too much, it is a feasible plan that can start with everyday actions rather than a dreamed about revolution. 

Thoughts on the Anti-Education Era by James Gee

In the final chapter of Anti-Education Era, James Gee argues that we need to critically read like writers-- questioning the construction of the text and putting the text in conversation with our own work and interests. It is with this spirit that I compose this blog post. While I agreed with many of the points Gee made and found the book an easy read, I was overall disappointed. The back cover highlights four points Gee argues in eye-grabbing red font: "social media can both grow and stymy the next generation of learners," "it's up to educators and parents to maximize social media's positive effect inside and outside the classroom," "digital learning and social media can teach students to resolve global challenges," and "synchronized intelligence is an important strategy to overcome the limitations of today's schools." Overall, though, the book most spends a majority of the time discussing why humans are stupid (147 of 215 pages). This portion of the book is general social commentary about the faulty nature of memory, the need for comfort and meaning, and how people group themselves. Within this portion, my favorite quote, has to be, "We join committees where the committee as a group is usually stupider than the dumbest person on it and rarely smarter than the smartest person on it, but we call for more and more committees" (5-6).

The commentary on social media is mostly related to affinity spaces and the game Sims. It lacked anecdotes about using digital learning for civic engagement. Instead, the two key anecdotes focused on how people learn in the game environment-- one example being a Sims game based on Nickled and Dimed that demonstrates the difficulty of raising children on low income and the other example being a grandmother who learned how to construct a virtual purple toilet for her granddaughter to use in her Sims game.

In terms of use value for my own work exploring critical pedagogy and new media, I did relate his circuit of reflective action to John Dewey-- mentorship, experience, goals, personal investment, and meaningful action (15-16). I tie it to Dewey, rather than Freire, as it is more pragmatic and emphasizes mentorship and experience. I also enjoyed learning the term Pareto Principle, which was new to me. The Pareto Principle explains how a small fraction of the population have the largest take, whether that is in wealth, ownership, attention, impact, etc. This reminds me of the Andrew Keen's critique of Super Nodes, which notes that though everyone can create and publish online, certain individuals garner most of the attention.

Most of the information in the book is common knowledge, at least for those in higher education. Inequality leads to social ills. People gravitate towards meaning over facts. Our memories are imperfect. Stories motivate individuals more than dry statistics. Why the arguments are not unfamiliar to me, they may be to my undergraduate students. I am considering adding chapter two, "Short-Circuiting the Circuit of Human Reflective Action," to my composition coursepacks. Overall, the book is highly readable and easy to skim as it is written in plain speak and only cites sources at the end of the book. 

Are schools driven by market logic?

In the opening chapter to his 2011 book, On Critical Pedagogy, Henry Giroux writes, "Public school teachers were deskilled as one national political administration after another embraced a stripped down version of education, the central goal of which was to promote economic growth and global competitiveness, which entailed a much-narrowed form of pedagogy that focused on memorization, high-stakes testing, and helping students find a good fit within a wider market-oriented culture of commodification, standardization, and conformity" (7-8). While I respect the work of Giroux greatly, his view on the relationship between schools and markets has not evolved since the 1980s. The standardized, hegemonic practices in schools does not reflect the current market logic, but is an antiquated system reflective of the factory society. Students are unable to meet employers expectations because schools are not giving students the skills needed to succeed in today's market.

In a report by the Chronicle of Higher Education, half of the companies surveyed stated they had difficulty finding college graduates with the right qualifications to meet the requirements of their job openings. That is not the worst of it: "Nearly a third gave colleges just fair to poor marks for producing successful employees. And they dinged bachelor's-degree holders for lacking basic workplace proficiencies, like adaptability, communication skills, and the ability to solve complex problems."

Companies no longer want passive cogs who will perform a task without questions. While students are leaving colleges with technical skills, they lack the critical thinking skills necessary to problem solve and innovate. The New York Times interviews Jaime S. Falls, the vice president of a large Human Resources Organizations. He states that college graduates starting out “are very good at finding information, but not as good at putting that information into context."

In addition to problem-solving and critical thinking skills, another buzz word that often comes up is "flexibility." This seems in direct opposition to conformist and standardized educational practices. While the argument in critical pedagogy has often been these practices are harmful to democracy, it appears they are also harmful to the economy. Who benefits from standardized education?

Reflections on Online Activism

               Throughout seven weeks of the winter semester, my online Composition II students completed online activist activities that corresponded with the problem/solution essay they were researching and writing. At the end, I asked that they write a reflection on what they discovered and how successful they felt they were.

The writing prompt:

Throughout almost half the semester, we engaged in online activities designed to promote a cause and bring about awareness and change. Now we are going to reflect on our experience, discussing what we learned about online activism.

Introduction:

In your introduction you want to describe your cause and what you wanted to achieve through your online activist activities. End with a thesis statement that discusses what you learned, what opinions you formed, and how successful your endeavors were.

Body paragraphs:

Make at least three claims that support your thesis statement. Back up those claims with specific examples and analysis of those examples.

Conclusion:

In your conclusion, look to the future. Do you think you’ll use these skills again? Do you feel that these skills empower you to create change in the world?

I tried not to be too leading in my writing prompt. If I were to change anything about the prompt, it would be to emphasize that both positive and negative opinions regarding online activism were acceptable if they were able to support those opinions with their own observations and experiences. However, based on the mix of feedback I received and the discussion of the assignment in my student feedback forms for the class, I don't think most of the students were simply feeding me the answers they thought I wanted to hear. It is always a worry when a reflection like this is tied to a grade.

For the most part, students seemed empowered by the process and were surprised by how social media could be used for more than sharing personal feelings and celebrity gossip. One student, who was advocating for animal writes, wrote, "I used Twitter for my awareness and was blown away by how many other people were behind the same cause. Seeing new posts everyday about a dog or cat needing a new home made me determined to spread the word... Communicating with others over the internet allowed me to learn about all the cruelty that happens with animals. For instance, I read posts and saw photos about grizzly bears being strapped in jets and ejected to see if the systems worked. Using Twitter in this way opened my eyes to things that were going on that I’d never heard of.  I began to read articles from other countries and became acquainted with organizations from around the world. My passion for fighting for animals grew even stronger." Many students had similar reactions of surprise and noted how much Twitter actually helped them with researching their topic.

Most students defended their feelings of empowerment by making statements about "making one person aware." Some, though, felt discouraged by the difficulty of gathering a large audience or getting people to comment on their work. It's not enough to simply Tweet facts or begin a blog. The most successful online activist in the class utilized his Facebook network to create an activist group of 400 members, which led to a successful online petition that garnered support from all over the world. It's not enough to have a voice, you need to have a network. As one student wrote, "In doing this project, I found out that getting your name out there, and networking with other bloggers or tweeters like you is very important. With tweeting it can be as simple as mentioning someone in a tweet, and they will most likely respond to you. On Twitter, I learned how easy it is to connect with someone, even if they live across the world or are famous. And that is why I think it is important we did this project, because it taught us that we can connect with people all around the world, and have our voice heard."

Overall, I feel that I seen enough benefits this semester to continue this assignment. However, I have realized based on the feedback of my students that I need to have this be a full-semester project with more training on building a network. The only hesitation, and why I began this project with caution, is that some students have a very set negative opinions on sites like Twitter and Facebook. Those opinions roadblock the effort they put into the project and become a self-fulfilling prophecy. Online activism only works with time and effort.  This was something a number of students noted in their reflections.

Project Online Activism

To gain perspective on online activism, my online composition II class read "Hashtag Activism" and "Politics of the Internet." Most students related to the article, "Hashtag Activism," which states: "The ongoing referendum on the Web often seems more like a kind of collective digital graffiti than a measure of engagement: I saw this thing, it spoke to me for at least one second, and here is my mark to prove it." It recognizes that social media is a tool, which purpose is driven by the one operating the mouse. Liking something on Facebook is not going to make you an activist. However, if you are an activist, Facebook can help you generate support and awareness. The article many examples proving the power of social media in the right collective hands, such as how an online petition changed the film rating of the documentary Bully from R to PG.

 The "Politics of the Internet," for me, was the more interesting read. It correlates the design of the Internet to philosophical principles that could reshape politics:

•                The internet is nothing if not an exercise in interconnection. Its politics thus seems to call out for a similar convergence, and connections between the disparate interest groups that make up the net movement are indeed getting stronger. Beyond specific links, they also share what Manuel Castells, a Spanish sociologist, calls the “culture of the internet”, a contemporary equivalent of the 1960s counter-culture (in which much of the environmental movement grew up). Its members believe in technological progress, the free flow of information, virtual communities and entrepreneurialism. They meet at “unconferences” (where delegates make up their own agenda) and “hackerspaces” (originally opportunities to tinker with electronics); their online                forum of choice will typically be something such as a wiki that all can contribute to and help to shape. ("The New Politics of the Internet: Everything is Connected")

It's an interesting piece that is grounded in free data optimism. Most interesting is that the piece in The Economist only discusses economical concerns in relation to intellectual property rights. It doesn't examine the hidden cost of free data -- our attention. But I digress... ah yes, online activism. Our journey should begin in full-fledged splendor after spring break.

Here is the assignment:

As we research our causes and later argue for solutions, I want us to document and promote our findings online. Online activism can take many forms through social media, blogging, website creation, petitions, videos, and memes. Because of the various options and because we will be working independently, I will expect you to keep track of your posts, Tweets, and work to submit in a portfolio on April 18th. For blogs, all I need is the URL. For the Tweets and Facebook group posts, I need an actual word documents with the Tweets and posts copied into it.
If you get behind on one of your tasks or decide you want to switch to another activity, that is fine. The flexibility of having the project submitted as a portfolio allows us this freedom.
More details on the requirements of each option are listed below. The Youtube video and website options are listed last, as they are the most detailed.

Option 1: Facebook group posts and comments
For this option you can start a Facebook group or join an existing group. Each week you will post or comment on a post at least five times. These posts and comments will need to be submitted in a word document at the end of the project. I suggest updating a word document every week.

Option 2: Twitter Feed
For this option you will need to have 10 tweets a week. Three of these can be retweets. You can always Tweet news stories or websites you like. There should be a hashtag related to your cause or created by you that you will use in your feed. Avoid plagiarism.

Option 3: Blog
For this option you will need to maintain a blog and post to it weekly. Blog posts need to be at least 200 words, proofread, and contain no plagiarism. You should also use tags or keywords in your posts so that you blog can be found through a Google search.

Option 4: Online petition
For this option you will need to create an online petition. You should have a strong written portion of 250-500 words.

Option 5: Three Memes
Your memes must not violate copyright laws or contain plagiarism. See examples of memes here: http://knowyourmeme.com. I suggest images with captions or parodies.
due dates: March 14^th, March 28^th, April 14^th

Option 6: Youtube video
Youtube due dates:
Storyboard: March 14^th
Email progress/youtube rough draft: March 28^th
Final video: April 14th
Your youtube video should make a compelling argument for your cause and/or solution. My suggested length is three minutes. However, we can negotiate this when you complete your rough draft. If you don't have a video editor you prefer to use, I suggest using wevideo.com, which is a cloud-based editor. I have a tutorial for the program here: http://youtu.be/35pnAQnMdgc.

Option 7: Website

·       Create a website using www.weebly.com, www.wix.com or site builder of your choice

·       Repurpose your 5-7 page Problem/Solution essay to fit the conventions of writing for the web (see online activism module under content)

·       Have at least four distinct pages

·       Choose or design a fitting template

·       Pick images that communicate your message (www.creativecommons.org, www.flickr.com, www.morguefile.com, or http://photobucket.com)

·       Avoid plagiarism or copyright issues

Examples from my Winter 2012 English 112 class:

http://poverty.natemealey.com/
http://childabuseprevented.weebly.com/
http://solvepoverty.weebly.com